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These papers on philosophy and culture-culture, the
vaguest of concepts—began as contributions to a
set of panels organized by the MLA's Division on
Philosophical Approaches to Literature for the 2006
convention. Our original call for work[1]
invited
papers responding to the perceived incompatibility
of theory and philosophy, on the one
hand, and cultural studies, on the other;
analyses of theoretically and philosophically
inflected cultural studies or culturally based
philosophy; readings of historical and contemporary
interactions between the two fields; theoretical and
philosophical genealogies of the concept of
"culture."
Our committee wished to encourage
discussion of philosophy and culture because we sensed
that the term "culture," perhaps along with some
versions of cultural studies, might be falling into
disfavor even as its possibilities and complexities
could scarcely be said to have been explored; and
because we regretted the perception that philosophy and
critical theory have been or should be opposed to the
study of culture, or cultural thinking, because of some
necessary incompatibility between abstract and cultural
thought. (That philosophy and theory have
often been hostile to cultural studies and cultural
thinking institutionally is unfortunately the case; I
would argue that this does not need to have been so,
and has been a great mistake and a great loss to our
disciplines.) Believing that "culture" continues to be
a rich and generative concept for philosophy and
critical theory, and that philosophical cultural
studies is not at all difficult to find, we hoped to
inspire reflection on the nature and the history of the
relations that the concepts and study of culture and
philosophy have had with each other so far.
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Arguably, those relations take a nascent version of
their modern European form in the late eighteenth
century. This is to say, first of all, that the history
of the concept of "culture" itself is short. Schiller's
assertion in the Sixth Letter of Aesthetic
Education (1795), "Our reputation for training and
refinement, which we justly stress in considering every
mere state of nature, will not serve our turn in regard
to the Greek nature, which united all the attractions
of art and all the dignity of wisdom, without, however,
becoming the victim of them as does our own [Der Ruhm
der Ausbildung and Verfeinerung, den wir mit Rech gegen
jede ander bloße Nature geltend machen,
kann uns gegen die griechische nature nicht zu statten
kommen, die sich mit allen Reizen der Kunst and mit
aller Würde der Weisheit vermählte, ohne
doch, wie die unsrige, das Opfer derselben zu Sein]"
(Schiller, 90; Snell, 37, translation modified) implies
that the Greeks had something better than disciplinary
improvement. This something better is, in fact,
beginning to take over the meaning of "culture"-to make
"culture" itself designate a quasi-natural, more and
less than merely intentional, enigmatic harmony among
one's disciplinary practices. "Kultur" is not
the word that comes to Schiller's mind as he searches
for some alternative to "Ausbildung"
(training, education). Attributing a "natural" quality
to Greek humanity, Schiller also imputes ethnic
character, falling readily into a racialized stereotype
in a way that makes us nervous about the similarly
collective and not-quite intentional sense of "culture"
today.
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In English literature, it is not easy to find
references to "culture" that take on the sense of a
broad set of practices or knowledge before the
Victorian period. One finds instead a strongly
metaphorical use of the word, in which the sense of
"agriculture" is applied as a self-conscious figure.
"Culture" in this sense is the culture of something in
particular—of the body, of an art, of a young
mind-and is strongly intentional and opposed to
unguided nature, or even to an economy's paths of least
resistance. The sense is that of a deliberate training,
similar to Greek paideia. It does not fully
have the collective, enigmatic connotation of the
contemporary term. Wordsworth's usage in Book XIII of
The Prelude, where culture is associated with
"language purified / By manners studied and elaborate"
(190), is still old school, even as he feels his way,
like Schiller, toward something else. It's not until
Matthew Arnold's Culture and Anarchy (1869)
that talk of culture in the current sense of the word
becomes truly popular.
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In Europe in the Romantic period, "culture" seems to
have been under construction, wavering from the
intentionalism of the early modern figure, but not, for
the most part, yet having attained the full-blown
organicism of German idealist Kultur.[2]
If this were so, we would not yet be able to assume
that the invention of "culture" is necessarily
implicated in an ethnicization of human production.
Rather, it may be that "culture" comes into usage late
in the day because earlier, notions of race that were
utterly ontological did all of the work that would
eventually come to be separated into concepts of race,
class, nation, society, and culture. If culture were
imported into debates about society from an earlier
pattern of usage that stressed figuration and
intention, it would have held potential for a mediation
of concrete practices and projected deep structures,
individual and social contributions, that could compete
with the ontologically based mediation so conveniently
offered by racial thinking. "Culture" and "race" may be
often found together because they are competing for the
same territory, not because they are one and the same;
and they may each serve the convenient function of
blurring the distinction between particular practices
and a collective sense of "something else" without
bearing the same implications or relying on the same
assumptions. The myriad ways in which this is true can
be explored in the work of a sophisticated practitioner
of the philosophy of culture such as Georg
Simmel.[3]
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In practice, most of the papers at the 2006 MLA did
not take up the relation between philosophy and culture
head-on. (J. Hillis Miller's paper below is an
exception, and generated a lot of interesting
discussion at its panel.) They investigated elements of
culture, such as literary education (in Ted Underwood's
paper) and the development of models of individuality
and society (which play a role in Daniel Tiffany's,
Thomas Pfau's, and Manu Chander's papers alike). They
inquired into the dynamics of autonomy and collectivity
that are recurrently at stake in the concept of
culture. And in order to do so, they compared Romantic
theories to modern or contemporary ones. Underwood
reconsiders Foucault's resistance to historical
continuity in the light of the Romantic pedagogy that
instituted the study of discrete literary periods; Pfau
compares Charles Taylor's attack on the teleological
systematization of liberal society as an economy, and
what Taylor considers to be an illusory negative vision
of "freedom" that shadows that systematization, with
Schopenhauer's attack on "free will." Tiffany traces an
analogy between Leibniz's Monadology,
Schlegel's monadic model of the poetic fragment, and
the unmarked "placeless places" of modern nightlife,
showing how poetry finds in the monad an evocative
figure for its own project of externalizing
interiority. Manu Chander argues that Kant's dual
recognition of empiricism and rationalism echoes in
Pierre Bourdieu's dialectics of society and individual
agency—the give and take between "position" and
"position-taking" or avowed position as social act.
These papers gain perspective from Romantic (and
sometimes pre- and post-Romantic) elaborations of the
ways in which manifestations of individuality,
interiority, particularity, and privacy may coalesce
quite tenuously to express an aspect of collectivity.
An echo of this same concern appears in Miller's
association of cultural studies with interest in the
patterns of the performing—if not strictly
performative—individual body. Interestingly, in
none of these essays does "culture" take the shape of a
culture industry or an ethnicized fantasy (important as
these possible shapes are). Implicitly, "culture"
appears here mostly in earnest, as it were, as a
temporary network of habits, ideas, affinities, and
position-takings that is not as coherent as an ideology
and that has no particular valence, shape, or size.
They are critical of unreflective formulations of
freedom, but they don't seem to give up on the
spontaneity of culture as creative chance.
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Philosophical Approaches' call for papers also hoped
to garner work that showed philosophy and cultural
studies in action together, and the papers collected
below move toward this goal in part or in whole. Miller
calls for attention from performance and gender studies
to to J.L. Austin's theory of performative utterances.
Underwood's meticulous reading of period literature
course syllabi historicizes his understanding of
Foucault; Chander, working the other way around, from
philosophy to reflection on the philosophical
antecedents and implications of Bourdieu's sociology,
reads the legacy of Kant's Antinomy of Taste within
Bourdieu's work to analyze their common emphasis on a
field of antagonisms. As Chander phrases it, "the
theory of 'permanent conflict' within Bourdieu's
conception of the cultural field is derived from the
'permanent conflict' between Kantian aesthetics and
Foucauldian discourse-analysis that structures
Bourdieu's work." In both Kant and Bourdieu, Chander
suggests, the antagonism that is culture also implies
continually the possibility of a solution to
antagonism. Chander's essay thus complements Thomas
Pfau's conclusion that nineteenth-century "pessimistic
conceptions of freedom" should be read "less as a
separate current opposing the dominant
narrative of nineteenth-century liberalism" than as "a
Blakean contrary" surfacing from within it.
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Daniel Tiffany's "Club Monad," meanwhile, enacts
cultural and philosophical thinking on several levels.
Of course the whole idea of reading Leibniz through
modern nightlife and vice versa literalizes a cultural
philosophy and philosophy of culture. Tiffany's
explanation of how this can happen may be interesting
for the modeling of "culture" itself. When in this
essay "the verbal topology of monadic substance offers
a useful model for the secret world of the club—a
placeless place—and for the infidel poetry
associated with the topology of nightlife," there is a
riddling "correspondence" but no common source for
Leibniz's philosophy, Schlegel's philosophical poetry,
and "the actual sites of nocturnal culture"; we have to
find the correspondence monad-style, expressed and
reflected in particularities. I'd like to suggest that
the unaccountability of affinity apart from its
instances is not a weakness in the concept of culture
but what culture, in Tiffany's essay, and generated
by the essay, can productively be seen to be
made out of. Because the history of the subcultural
nightclub "survives for the most part . . . in
writing" and because the writing in which its
trace survives is itself obscure, the literal and the
literary forms Tiffany studies point together toward a
reality that is "fundamentally dissolute." This
ontologically tenuous organization models a way of
thinking about culture that we now find useful; what we
now call culture often consists in "the expressive
correspondences" between verbal, topographical, and
sociological modes of the kind that Tiffany identifies,
"its very existence placed in question by the obscurity
of its material conditions," as Tiffany writes of
nightlife. In such a culture we don't know in advance,
and in a real and happy sense don't ever know, what
group we are and how exactly we are hoping to be
changed. "Club Monad" participates in a process of
correspondence-seeking that, it finds, selects
societies according to an unparaphrasable affinity that
is as much verbal as habitual; this process never
reduces the group solidarity of the moment to a
nameable identity.
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From this perspective, the notion that "culture"
implies a people because it has to belong to somebody
is a kind of hysterical reaction to the presence of the
second person pronoun, no more justifiable than the
idea that a corporation, neighborhood or school is
inherently a racial concept. The difficulty of
construing the relations between deliberate practices
and their non-deliberate outcomes, however, is real,
and remains a problem that it's hard to imagine
addressing without a philosophy of culture and a
culturally historical philosophy.
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