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Happy are those ages when the starry sky is the map
of all possible paths—ages whose paths are
illuminated by the light of the stars. Everything in
such ages is new and yet familiar, full of adventure
and yet their own. The world is wide and yet it is
like home, for the fire that burns in the soul is of
the same essential nature as the stars . . .
Georg Lukács, The Theory of the
Novel[1]
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Anyone reading histories of nineteenth-century
psychology and psychiatry will come across a paradox in
relation to German Romantic material. On the one hand,
it is often represented as an intellectual
aberration—both superstitious and metaphysical.
Furthermore, its conceptual vocabulary stems mainly
from German idealist philosophy and this causes
problems when translating into materialist and
associationist traditions, even regarding some of the
most elementary features, such as the I, or the
subject. Correspondingly, histories of psychiatry have
often dealt with this material quite cursorily, in a
way that is designed to make it appear even more
mystifyingly Gothic. Klaus Doerner's classic study of
nineteenth-century psychiatry skates over a whole
generation of Romantic-influenced theorists as if they
themselves represented a panorama of mental aberration;
he mentions with relish figures such as Heinrich
Steffens, for whom insanity could only be treated
"within the framework of a planetary cosmology" (235).
But on the other hand, there is no shortage of
histories willing to acknowledge that some of the
innovations of German Romantic psychology were crucial
for the evolution of modern approaches. These include,
for instance, the elaboration of an unconscious and
repression, the concern with development and
integration, and also the inclusion of the 'I,' or the
sense of identity, as something that can itself be
subject to illness. According to Alexander and
Selesnick, "In their new and enthusiastic concern over
the nature of the psyche, the Romantics brought
psychiatry to the threshold of modern concepts and
techniques" (135).
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I want to propose that the manifest obscurities
within German Romantic psychical theory, its resistance
to straightforward conceptualisation and its signal
difficulties in formulating a coherent theory of the
individual soul, are both a significant issue for the
history of modern psychology and more than an
accidental by-product of Romantic confusion. Most
importantly, I want to distinguish between different
kinds of obstacles and obscurities in the path of
psychological theorisation. There are of course
tendencies in such material that we might ascribe to
the revival of interest in German religious mysticism
and neo-Platonism. We can also note points at which
philosophical notions of cause and system, of a
particularly speculative kind, are being mapped over
the findings of contemporary psychiatrists, who are in
turn prepared to endorse the existence of supernatural
forces in the soul. However, what I plan to concentrate
on is a different kind of disturbance, which is the
importation of ontology into psychology. One of the
distinctions I most want to develop here is that
between a psychology—one which sets out to
observe mental life and motivation, whether for
therapeutic or sociological purposes—and an
ontology of the person, which aims at establishing the
substance, integrity or autonomy of individual life,
often by recourse to an abstract theory of the 'real'
essence or ground of existence. The ambiguity, of
course, is that both are adduced within the medium of
the soul, or psyche.
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Such ontologies of the psyche often attempt to
re-formulate a sense of harmonious and objective
connection between the experience of the individual and
the nature of the universe. These theories of the soul
become culturally important precisely at the point when
the nascent German middle class—partly in
reaction to the French revolution, partly via its own
attempts at autonomy—is attempting to counter the
hold of traditional religious, political and moral
orthodoxies concerning the nature of human agency, and
to this end is developing new conceptions of the
relation between freedom and law, individuality and
community, history and nature. At the same time, such
attempts at a new moral discourse of man are exposed to
the experience of political instability, growing
alienation from an organic sense of community, and
powerlessness in the face of persisting feudal and
religious structures. A key question, then, is whether
Schelling and Schubert's theorisation of the psyche is
in some sense compensatory—an attempt to
formulate a new theory of man, or of individual essence
or the 'ground' of the self, within the emerging
framework of speculative psychology, as opposed to on
more empirical or political terrain. Psychology opens
up a new dimension for the philosopher within which to
pursue accounts of human integration, motivation and
freedom which are sited not in and according to the
rules of consciousness, but which take place obscurely
in the inner and unconscious depths of the soul and the
self. To draw an analogy with the introductory quote
from Lukács, the unconscious depths of nature and
unconscious depths within the psyche are credited with
forms of co-ordination—'inner' connections,
obscure but historically unfolding concords—in
the same way in which the laws of individual and
cosmos, the light of souls and the light of stars, were
once wishfully integrated.
Languages of the Psyche
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I want first to pursue this question of the relation
between ontology and psychology, as well as the
function of obscurity in Romantic theories of the soul,
by examining the dialogue between the philosopher
Friedrich Schelling and one of his ex-pupils at Jena,
the anthropologist and psychologist Gotthilf Heinrich
von Schubert. Their output and exchanges in the period
1805-1815 are incredibly informative about German
Romantic psychological preoccupations. Schelling's
intellectual range was broad and eclectic; having been
one of the leading philosophical lights of the early
Romantic movement in Jena, his ideas were now becoming
a focal point for certain trends in Romantic medicine.
In 1806 Schelling teamed up with the psychiatrist
Adalbart Marcus to edit the Annuals of Medicine as
Science which placed itself at the intersection
between medicine, psychology and philosophy. In his
opening editorial Schelling hailed medicine as the
"crown and flower of natural science, as man is of the
world" (1.1.v). The journal was annotated by Coleridge
in England. Schubert was trained as a medical physician
and practised as such until about 1805 when he was
drawn more to the fields of anthropology and psychology
(while studying at Jena from 1801-1803 he had attended
Schelling's lectures on Naturphilosophie). In
1807 he gave an influential course of lectures in
Dresden, published as Views of the Nightside of
Nature, which included material on animal
magnetism and dreams drawn from contemporary
psychiatric literature and became something of a
Romantic bestseller (it provoked E.T.A. Hoffmann,
amongst others, towards an interest in
psychopathology). The Symbolism of Dreams
(1814) and The History of the Soul (1830) were
also major products of Romantic anthropology and were
singled out by Henri Ellenberger for their striking
anticipations of modern psychodynamic and
psychoanalytic ideas (205).
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The development of Schelling's thought prior to this
point is complex and cannot be rehearsed here.[2]
But, as a way of supplying some minimal context for the
new direction both thinkers were taking, both he and
Schubert were developing their interest in psychiatry,
and both were also moving from a philosophy of nature
to an interest in time. Schubert wrote to Schelling in
1808 saying that he was engaged in a new work that
would investigate the ages of the world—the
Zeitalter—in terms of epochs of organic
life, which he hoped to bring into line with the sagas
of ancient peoples.[3]
Schelling's own attempt at a foundational theory of
time, The Ages of the World, or
Weltalter, was first drafted around 1811 and
subsequently rewritten and redrafted over a period of
five years, before it was finally abandoned in
incomplete form. Its first book, the only one fully
developed, was devoted to the past and opened with a
magnificent paean to the obscurity of the world's
genesis: "The oldest formations of the earth bear such
a foreign aspect that we are hardly in a position to
form a concept of their time of origin or of the forces
that were then at work" (Ages 121). Both
Schelling and Schubert, then, were concerning
themselves with the hidden genealogies of the mind and
nature, and this was in conscious reaction to the way
in which German idealist philosophers—including
J.G. Fichte and the younger Schelling himself—had
devoted themselves to theories of consciousness and the
I.
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It is the wide-ranging and speculative character of
Schelling and Schubert's thought in this period which
makes it so revealing of intellectual tendencies. No
discourse or reference point is excluded here: one
finds interactions between morality and magnetism,
psychopathology and philology, self-observation and
metaphysics. What remains striking is the heterodox
nature of their approach and the elusive quality of
their topic. As they corresponded about the nature of
the soul, or as Schelling filled page after page of his
notebooks for the Ages of the World, the
psyche split prismatically between a number of
competing vocabularies of substance or process. One
kind of language they use to identify a soul-like
quality to the self concerns a gleam or
effluence—using the terms Glanz
(shining), Funke (spark) or even
Brennendes (something flammable). Thus
Schelling supposes that "Even in the most corporeal of
things there lies a point of transfiguration that is
often almost sensibly perceptible." This is an "inner
spiritual matter which lies concealed in all the things
of the world" or "is recognizable in the way that flesh
and the eyes shine forth" (Ages 151-52). Soul
is presented here as an occult quality trapped beneath
the objective surface of things, like "the flash of
light" which nature conceals in the hard stone (On
the Relation 12). Such descriptions draw partly on
the vocabulary of the German mystical tradition
(Funke is the term that Meister Eckhart used
to indicate the spark of divinity in the soul) and
partly on readings in Stoic cosmology, for which the
law of the universe was sometimes conceived as a fire
running through all things. However, such antique
conceptions were updated with reference to contemporary
natural science. Schubert writes frequently about a
combustible element in nature which appears "at the
highest points of existence and interaction"—thus
not only in the phenomena of electricity, but also in
plants and animals at the time of blooming and mating,
and equally in "the phosphor and the shining" released
in the decomposition of organic bodies (358-59).
Importantly, this "shining" is in each case the sign
that an entity has stepped into an "inner relation"
with a higher whole. Likewise Schelling, in a
description of combustion, alludes to the ancient
worship of fire and suggests "in this they left us a
hint that fire is nothing other than the pure substance
breaking through in corporeality, or a third dimension"
(Ideas 65).
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This is one way in which they try to objectify the
psyche: as a kind of radiant, pseudo-materiality,
imprisoned within objects and organisms, expressive of
inner freedom or potency. Another wholly different
vocabulary stems from the Platonic and neo-platonic
doctrine of archetypes. In the Ages of the
World Schelling maintains that at some originary
point in the evolution of life the potential of all
future things to be themselves—their
essence—has flashed up in the form of a
dream-like vision in which eternity has glimpsed
itself. This is described as the Eternal seeing
"everything that will one day be in nature," which
corresponds to "the deepest thoughts of what lies
innermost within its own self" (Ages 155). The
metaphor is an ancient one in cosmogonic terms, but
Schelling was again drawing on contemporary phenomena,
this time the reports of clairvoyance by contemporary
psychiatrists which Schubert had gathered in his
lectures of 1808. These visionary forms, glimpsed in
the moment of world-formation, persist as archetypes
concealed at the heart of material things, and life is
conceived as a process of emergence into actuality
which draws that buried potential into existence.
"These archetypes still stream out from the innermost
part of creative nature, just as fresh and alive as
they were before time" (Ages 161).
Correspondingly, both Schelling and Schubert subscribe
to an anamnestic model of the human soul. Buried within
is an inner oracle, "the memory of all things, their
original conditions, their becoming, their meaning." It
is also an "archetypal image of things" slumbering
inside, though this innermost essence is secret and
bound, it cannot be made accessible to consciousness
except by inference (114).
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There are further vocabularies, whose points of
reference are more unstable, slipping ambiguously
between metaphysics and self-observation, cosmogony and
existential philosophy. Many of these are based around
the notion of a primordial will, or powers of
"potentiation" represented in a number of different
guises. Sometimes these wills are described as a
physics, in terms of gravitation, resistance and
striving forces. Sometimes they are approached in terms
of affect: there is a painful negative hunger, or a
more tender affirmatory yearning, and these modes of
will oppose and supplant each other, articulating a
dynamic basis to material reality (Ages 170).
Sometimes these altercating wills are viewed as modes
of the possibility of existence: "It begins
itself—but in so doing, it only makes a start
towards possible realisation, which must in turn be
followed by a start of real realisation"
(Philosophische 99). Often Schelling's
research returns to Aristotelian and scholastic
interpretations of modes of being; but again there are
also contemporary trends at work. Both Schelling and
Schopenhauer, for instance, were concerning themselves
with the will at this time, as descriptive of the
dynamic essence of life.
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In yet other instances Schelling organises an
approach to the soul around the tension between inner
and outer worlds. When the soul is asleep it regains a
relation to its own inner centre, and when it is awake
it acts under the exponent of an outer reality which
distorts its true alignment (Ages 158).
Outerness is associated with egotism and
objectification (egotistical because directed towards
objects and gratifications), and the inner pole with
the self's essence and freedom. This tension was partly
an amplification of John Brown's theory of stimulus and
excitability, though the model is now given a much
broader moral scope. It was also mapped over the
co-ordinates of Mesmerist theory, which was undergoing
something of a resurgence in Germany at the time. In
The Ages drafts Schelling uses the Mesmerist
term Rapport to describe the soul's relation
to its true identity, as well as utilising the
therapeutic notion of a crisis through which the
futurity of the person begins to emerge. In addition to
all of these competing discourses, both Schelling and
Schubert still also make use of Christian and pietist
vocabularies of soul, thinking of the psyche as simply
something encapsulating the dynamic essence of the
person which will transcend its current earthly
existence and take on a future, entirely spiritual
life. Schubert writes that "Death emerges in the moment
that higher organs, higher powers are woken in us
through the flash of a great moment. Then this shell
becomes too narrow for the psyche, this form passes
away, so that another, higher one returns from it"
(Nightside 79).
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These paradigms aren't wholly disjunct; all are
concerned with possibility and transformation, with
conditions which are concealed, or anticipated, or
exist on a dynamic borderline between presence and
futurity, objectification and freedom. All are defined
in opposition to notions of conscious subjectivity:
they are endowments of the psyche, and are
cross-referenced with reports from contemporary
psychiatry. They also constantly imply each other
descriptively. Schubert wrote to Schelling in 1808
suggesting that "the inner light spoken of by those in
magnetic trances" was a token of the barely corporeal
phosphorescence concealed in organic life. "It is the
flammable which, in the whole of nature, becomes free
at the highest moments of existence, shot through with
eternal light." This light "breaks out of the depth of
the inner essence" granting a view into the very nature
of the person.[4]
He thus links the practice of Mesmerism to a theory of
an inner fire, while the ecstatic visionary state which
the trance elicits gives evidence of the soul's
possession of archetypes of the future. But what still
stands out is the extreme heterogeneity of the
theoretical apparatus through which both writers were
attempting to apprehend something crucial about the
nature of the psyche. There may be a consistent goal to
their theorising—we can see that each vocabulary
is trying to do the same sort of thing—but there
is a failure to make the psyche scientifically or even
descriptively 'present' in any consistent way. This
seems all the more of a failure given that in this
period psychiatrists such as Johann Christian Reil, who
in 1802 produced one of the first systematic outlines
of psychotherapy, were in touch with Schelling and
looking to him to clarify the nature of the psyche for
them: "What is lacking is a presentation of the soul in
itself, or in its archetypal form."[5]
The Foundations of Individuality
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There are numerous ways in which this impasse over
the psyche and the philosophical model that could
accommodate it, has been interpreted. One, suggested by
Karl Jaspers, is that Schelling's deeper researches
into the soul were a deviation, made during a period of
depression in response to the death of his wife
Caroline in 1809 (35). Another possibility is that
Schelling's move to Munich and the Catholic south,
which also coincides with this period, brought him
under the influence of thinkers such as Franz von
Baader, whose bent was more mystical and
theosophical.[6]
We might also consider this eclecticism as the mark of
a period of intellectual transition, from spiritual
towards secular models of nature, and from theories of
the transcendental subject to the emergence of modern
psychology. But these explanations are not wholly
adequate, most significantly, because this range of
psychic motifs—inner fire or energy, archetypes,
and obscure forms of will—remain there as
interpretive possibilities, forming part of a Romantic
psychological tradition. Versions of exactly these sets
of enigmatic description were taken up by Carl Gustav
Carus' Psyche in 1846. Carus sometimes talks
about the psyche in terms of a spark or unconscious
radiation (rather like Schelling and Schubert's
"gleam") which is now a force governing the maturation
of the individual from embryo to adulthood
(Psyche 15). Equally, he sees the psyche as
the repository for a divine archetype which "contains
the primary basis of individual life," and which he
calls "the idea or the primordial image" (8). As with
Schelling and Schubert, too, the psyche is secretly
involved in the generation of historical structures:
all entities "contain something hidden which refers
back to something past, something that has been before,
and which yet suggests further development, something
in the future" (22). Even more significantly, a similar
range of terms—archetype, libido (if we insert
that for the burning potency which breaks out at the
point of generation) and the unconscious processes of
self-development re-emerge in the work of Jung, who saw
Carus' achievement as anticipating that of
psychoanalysis (Memories 193). In fact,
Jung’s Transformations and Symbols of the
Libido not only replays the movement between
psychopathology, philosophy and philology which emerges
in Schelling and Schubert’s correspondence; it
also retrieves similar insights about the soul,
archetypes and a primal unconscious, making reference
to the same emerging corpus of Romantic mythography and
anthropology with which they were also engaging,
including Schelling’s own later lectures on
mythology. So, rather than indicating purely a failure
in theorisation—a kind of bricolage of remnants
(mode, fire, archetype, vision) from antiquated
thought-systems—Schelling and Schubert's set of
partial, obscure and inconsistent solutions appears to
reveal something more significant and long-term
concerning the nature of psychological theorisation in
modernity. What are they looking for in the psyche? Why
does the nature of the soul prove so methodologically
elusive? And why, in the end, is this elusiveness so
important?
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The first point to make is that, despite those
images of the borderline of materiality—the
almost corporeal gleam—the issue is not
one of the search for a new substance, a kind of
Mesmeric fluid or vital force which is proving
empirically elusive. The elusiveness here springs from
a different principle, which is that what Schelling in
particular is trying to substantiate is not the grounds
of psychology (let alone the grounds of an empirical
psychology) but the theoretical grounds of
individuality. What I want to return to here
is the differentiation between a psychology (whose
primary function may be to determine the ways in which
an individual mind habitually operates) and a theory of
selfhood, which may be inclined to theorise the grounds
of identity or of individual freedom, and may, like
psychology, be staged in what is imagined to be an
inner and non-corporeal aspect of the self. In fact,
psychology, for many of these Romantic thinkers,
becomes a realm in which some of the more general moral
problems concerning the nature of individual agency are
played out. The emerging question, "What is the nature
of the psyche?" draws into its orbit reflections on the
nature of memory and desire, as well as on mental
illness and therapeutics, but it also asks about the
moral and political nature of individuality, about
autonomy, freedom, motivation and progress. What we
find in Schelling, as in much of Romantic psychology
and some of its inheritors in modern psychotherapy, is
that questions of psychology and questions of selfhood
become intriguingly intertwined. The psyche is a forum
within which writers are constructing both a new
language for the mind, and new justifications of
individuality.
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This raises some problematic issues for the history
of psychology. The first is a very general question
about finding a language for the soul, and is certainly
not a problem that Schelling was aware of, but we can
see it as a paradox at the heart of what he was trying
to do. The problem is that such moral and existential
discourses about identity and the medical descriptions
of psychic states belong within different paradigms;
there is no simple way to suture them together, or
house them in the empirical discourses of the body.
These are the kind of problems that Paul Ricoeur
identified in some of Freud's metapsychological
writings, in terms of a paradigm conflict between
hermeneutics on the one hand, and a science of forces
on the other (92). This is not the question I want to
pursue here, but it is worth bearing in mind that these
different languages of self-presence cannot simply be
joined together by hypothesising some innermost
link or yet-to-be discovered substance. This is
one reason why the language of the psyche remains bound
to a kind of obscurity and liminality—it remains
inconsistent, in its very essence, and this
inconsistency can't easily be dispensed with.
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The second problem is less generally addressed in
the histories of psychology, but is absolutely central
to the difficulties that Schelling himself was aware of
wrestling with. This is that the psyche is to be the
soul of the independent person, the inner seat
of selfhood. This much greater emphasis on
individuality, and individual autonomy, is one that
will weave its way in and out of the political,
psychological and artistic theorisation of the self in
the nineteenth century and into modernity. "True
beginning in the eternal comes only with self-genesis"
is a line from one of Schelling's notebooks of the
period (Tagebücher 109). His oration on
art of 1806 had likewise asked: "What is the perfection
of a thing? Nought else but the creative life in
it—its power of asserting its own individuality"
(Plastic 4). For Schelling, the soul acts
partly as a place-holder for the belief in
self-authorisation at the centre of moral life, and
self-origination at the centre of human ontology;
however, this raises a completely new set of
methodological problems. Most importantly, belief in
the possibility of self-authorisation, or
indeed self-creation, seems commonly to have
required some corresponding resistance to or
interruption within prevailing eighteenth-century
accounts of the rationality of the world system, the
regulation of beings according to chains of causal
determinism, or the universal laws of human moral and
cognitive consciousness. German idealist theories of
mind, such as Kant's and Fichte's and Schelling's own
earlier work, had tended to stress the transcendental
identity of the I, or the conscious subject. But at the
same time the idealist tradition clearly
bridled—and increasingly so under the Napoleonic
occupation—at the idea of the subsumption of
particular individuality under universal processes,
particularly where this threatened to negate the
independent moral or political agency of the person.
The fit between universal reason and individual
autonomy—central to the emerging political
demands of the middle class—was at any rate a
difficult one to make good.
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One sees this quandary, which has both
epistemological and political ramifications, being
played out in the work of Fichte. His productions in
the late 1790s and early 1800s continually confront the
fear that "I myself, along with everything that I call
mine, am a link in this chain of strict necessity"
(11). Fichte supposed that anyone following this train
of deterministic thinking to its limits must be
repelled by consequences which conflict "so decisively
with the innermost root of my existence" (20).
Schelling's own Fichtean System of Transcendental
Idealism, published in the same year as Fichte's
Vocation of Man, wrestled with a similar
impasse over the reconciliation of the forms of science
and subjectivity: "The ultimate ground of the harmony
between freedom and the objective (or lawful) can
therefore never become wholly objectified, if the
appearance of freedom is to remain" (210). That is to
say, the freedom of the self cannot be represented
systematically, or according to logical or causal laws,
without negating that sense of freedom. In a similar
fashion, Schelling at the opening of the Ages of
the World resists the notion of time as "a chain
of causes and effects that run backwards and forwards
to infinity" and solicits instead the individual who is
able to "separate himself from himself", who is able to
break loose from everything that happens to him and
actively oppose it, who is able thus "to create a true
past" and "look forward to a genuine future" (120).
Further on in the text he asserts that, "Anything that
has a freedom with respect to God must come from a
ground independent of him" (156).
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What one finds at work, then, in the emergence of
this wider ideological interest in the psychological at
the beginning of the nineteenth century, is a
corresponding turn towards models in which the basis of
the self and its imagined processes of production are
conveyed via metaphors of obscurity, oblivion, or
abrupt and inexplicable transition. Obscurity and
unaccountability start to integrate with a new interest
in shielding the grounds of individuality—its
supposed inner, ontological roots—from
representation, particularly representation according
to the universalised laws of physics and logic. Already
in the sentences by Fichte and Schelling quoted above
one sees an emerging association between personal
independence and a rupturing of theoretical models of
presence and process. To give some small indication of
the future importance such metaphors will have within
Romantic and post-Romantic theorisations of the self,
and particularly of the associations made between
individuality and obscurity, one might turn also to
Carus's assertion that "The unconscious is precisely
our ownmost (eigenste), most genuine nature"
("Über" 154), or Bosanquet's observation in 1913
of the vogue in liberal culture for assuming that "The
dim recesses of incommunicable feeling are the true
shrine of our selfhood" (36), or even Jung's later
pronouncement that, "Each of us carries his own
life-form within him—an irrational form which no
other can outbid" ("Aims" 41). D.H. Lawrence, drawing
on the rogue and speculative inferences of a century in
his response to psychoanalysis, was emphatic on this
point:
Every individual creature has a soul, a specific
individual nature the origin of which cannot be found
in any cause-and-effect process whatever . . . There
is no assignable cause, and no logical reason, for
individuality. On the contrary, individuality appears
in defiance of all scientific law, in defiance even
of reason (214).
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My argument here is that the turn to the psyche
involves not simply the attempt to produce an adequate
language for the phenomena of inner life, but is at the
same time concerned to establish the metaphorical
representation of autonomous individuality. The
metaphors of obscurity serve, then, not only as
placeholders for kinds of process—moral,
psychological, biological, experiential—which are
thought to be too complex to be represented by simple
'chains' of determination; they serve also to introduce
the notion that the self is radically self-caused by a
logic which belongs wholly to itself and thus is in
some way inscrutable. In this resistance to rational
conceptions of causal process, the self has acquired a
certain inalienable freedom. It is here that psychology
tips over into ontology with moral and political
implications for a theory of man. The philosophers and
anthropologists looked to psychiatry both because they
were interested in describing the basis of the
individual mind and because in doing so they were able
to draw on a whole range of metaphors—trance,
seizure, unconsciousness, inner vision—with which
to supplant the language of determinism in their
depictions of the human world. Hence the emphasis on
elements in experience—the crisis, the inner
fire, the archetype (to be distinguished from the chain
of association or reasoning)—which resisted
conscription into the universal laws determining
objects and consciousness. At the same time these
enigmatic phenomena stood not for lawlessness, but for
the possible agency of deeper, unrepresentable laws
operating within nature and the self.
The Emergence of the Unconscious
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The discourse which most clearly disrupts the
language of causal determinism—and the one which
will take an ever deeper hold on the nineteenth-century
imagination—is that around the unconscious, which
appeared in Schelling's work particularly from
1811-1815, and which emerged specifically out of the
need to introduce a foundational obscurity and
interruption within the science of the origins of self,
and within the paradigm of the psyche. Unconsciousness
in the mind, for Schelling, has links to particular
empirical psychological phenomena such as dreams and
the experience of the past, as well as to states of
trance, ecstasy or crisis associated with contemporary
reports of psychopathology. It also fits in well with
what will turn out to be one of the overriding
tendencies of the human sciences in the
nineteenth-century—an emphasis on historicity.
But Schelling's interest in the unconscious, and even
in the past itself, actually arises according to a
different principle. First and foremost, it is a
theoretical tool which disconnects the ontology of the
individual, and the means whereby this could be
represented, from eighteenth-century approaches centred
on the universal identity of the subject. The
unconscious, conceived generally as an event at the
origins of the person (rather than a specific
psychological mode) establishes an obscurity over the
genesis of identity and its relation to general laws of
determination, as well as over the original operation
of those laws themselves. Schelling finds this
necessary if one is going to accord some radical
interiority and substance, as well as the possibility
of self-authorisation, to the self. This is the thought
that dominates the final pages of the Ages of the
World—that to roll back the carpet of the
unconscious, to dissolve the barrier separating the
individual from the origins equally of its own self and
the absolute, to determine these relationships fully
and bring them to light, would dissolve identity. It
would either plunge the idea of individuality back into
the network of absolute logic, or assimilate it to an
absolute or general soul. To quote from the end of
The Ages: "That primordial deed which makes a
man genuinely himself precedes all individual actions;
but immediately after it is put into exuberant freedom,
this deed sinks into the night of unconsciousness"
(Ages 181). Furthermore, "The decision that in
some manner is truly to begin must not be brought back
to consciousness... because this would amount to being
taken back" (182). This goes both for the beginning of
any single entity, and for the history of the absolute
itself: "The will produces itself in eternity without
eternity knowing and remains, with respect to its
ground, concealed from eternity" (138).
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What is crucial here is that the trail doesn't lead
from psychiatry to philosophy, but in the other
direction. It is not that Schelling discovers an
empirical psychological phenomenon and sets out to
investigate its theoretical basis. Rather, he has a
metaphysical need—to provide a theoretical
foundation for the freedom of identity—which then
integrates with aspects of contemporary psychological
description and forms the basis for a new structural
delineation of the self's inner nature. The technical
requirement for this metaphysical need is that the
description of the psyche cannot be completed, and
cannot be coherently located in relation to discourses
of either cause or presence. For Schelling, this leads
to an emphasis on impossibility, a taboo on revealing
'all' about the subject, and hence on to the notion
that there are repressed pasts or contents at the basis
of the self—indeed of all life—whose full
expression would lead to the dissolution of subjective,
and objective, identity. In some instances this taboo
on revelation is conceived in terms of a concealed and
potentially annihilating fire. If this fire were to
re-emerge from its latent state it would "consume and
destroy us in its effectiveness" (Die Weltater
13). In his notebooks the same idea appears as a kind
of ultimate blockage on self-perception: "The very
innermost, the last foothold of a being, over which no
thought can go" (Tagebücher 114). While
in his late work of the 1840s it will provide the
description of the 'uncanny' which Freud famously draws
upon in his article of 1919: "Uncanny is what one calls
everything that should have stayed secret, hidden,
latent, but has come to the fore" (Philosophie
2:2:661). However, this notion of the medium of the
psyche being somehow unassimilable to rational laws or
to mechanistic description is also implicit in those
other theoretical vocabularies. Identity or innerness
conceived as 'fire' exceeds and disturbs the notion of
a chain of rational determination; an archetype,
glimpsed in eternity but concealed at the origin of
time, notionally founds identity, but not in accordance
with any accessible or generalised idea. These are
already attempts to evoke an unconscious principle in
which to root the individual soul.
Conclusion
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What this article has tried to illuminate is a dual
condition in which psychology—in a piecemeal way
in the course of the early part of the nineteenth
century—is emerging as an empirical science for
the study of the individual mind, but is also at this
point becoming a new forum for a humanist metaphysics
of the individual. On the one hand, the obscurity and
eclecticism of Schelling and Schubert's accounts
represent a general problem for the nascent disciplines
of the psyche, which is the difficulty of forming a new
descriptive language for the soul. On the other hand,
it manifests something far more significant, which is a
positive resistance to description that is morally and
politically informed, and which, while entertaining
various ways of displacing or interrupting the notional
agency of consciousness will ultimately root itself in
the structural possibilities offered by a theory of the
unconscious. With respect to a shift from metaphysics
to psychology the function of the unconscious at this
stage (and, in some ways, still) is fundamentally
ambiguous. On the one hand, the elaboration of the soul
in terms of a relation between consciousness and its
concealed historical and natural basis seemingly
detaches the theory of mind from the grip of religious,
spiritual and philosophical ideologies of
transcendence. The soul is inscribed, potentially,
within a historical and material world. But the
retention of a set of beliefs and demands regarding the
inner freedom of the self—indeed, the attempt to
organise a theory of the psyche around such assumptions
of an inner ground or essence of the person—means
that there is at the same time a reverse process acting
on the theory of the unconscious, towards the
re-enchantment, or mythic substantiation of the self.
The nineteenth-century unconscious, by its very nature
(and before at least some trends in psychoanalysis
sought more rigorously to reduce it to a set of
empirical processes and problems) remains permeable to
the development of mystical and metaphysical
tendencies. This is clear in its development by Carus
and von Hartmann later in the century, as well as
Schelling's own association of the unconscious with the
'magic' of nature in the 1820s (System der
Weltalter 109).
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One might say, then, that certain aspects of the
unconscious have an important functional role within an
empirical psychology—the unconscious demonstrates
the limits of self-identity and reason, as well as of
conscious knowledge; it conceives of these against a
background of forgotten, repressed and instinctual
processes. Such a function complicates the
transcendental and integrative tendency found within
German philosophy—the tendency to universalise
and idealise the I and consciousness. With Schelling's
work around the period of the Weltalter these
tendencies appear to be reversed: the psyche becomes
the unassimilable and obscure vortex around which the
attempt at self-identity forever founders.
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However, this interpretation is itself liable to
reversal. The transcendental claims for the conscious
subject in this period are already under siege from
different quarters. The abstract notion of
consciousness and the autonomous 'I' are, over the
first half of the nineteenth century, being made
gradually subordinate to a more sophisticated
sociological differentiation of the subject according
to its legal, political and economic cultures. The
Hegelian and post-Hegelian trend, for instance, will be
to replace the abstracted notion of transcendental
consciousness with a complex set of recognitions and
ethical demands worked out within a particular
historical community. In such communities the
individual soul is a fundamental component, but is
ultimately stripped of its metaphysical priority. From
this perspective, the turn to an ontology of the psyche
is the philosophical move that retains the space for
metaphysical enchantment in an age of disenchantment.
Or at least, Schelling's secret and unassimilable
psyche at the core of the person is no more free of
metaphysical implication than is Hegel's 'Spirit' at
the level of the community. It resists not only the
transcendental integrations of consciousness, but also
the sceptical analysis of sociological life. In its
place it preserves the ideological space for new
vocabularies of transcendence. The fact that this may
now be conceived as a chthonic descent into the soul's
inner mystery does not alter its potential to function
transcendentally. The model of self-identification
through consciousness and logic is replaced by the
notion of a psychic relation to a concealed
and absolute origin to which each individual radically
belongs, and which sustains the possibility of its free
individuality. The unconscious is able both to resist
assimilation to conscious laws of identification
and to imply secret laws or emerging harmonies
of a quasi-metaphysical kind, underwriting the agency
of the individual soul, though obligingly concealed
from it. In Schelling's case, these are displaced to an
absolute point of origin, concealed within nature,
behind time, and in the depths of the psyche.
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My final point is to note how successfully this
notion of an unconscious root of the person, which
structures a new account of autonomous individuality,
was able to merge itself into Romantic accounts of
psychology and psychiatry. How ambiguously, that is,
the two trends, empirical and metaphysical, were able
to co-exist. This positing of the hidden grounds of
selfhood gives rise to features (the unconscious,
repression, the significant but inaccessible past)
which at the same time provide the structure of a
modern 'depth' psychology. Already we have reached a
range of recognizable psychoanalytic co-ordinates:
there is an unconscious; at the basis of the
unconscious there is level of primary repression which
is necessary to the structure of subjectivity; and
these structures are constitutive of human identity. If
we notice simply the theosophical, or alchemical or
quasi-spiritual components of Schelling and Schubert's
speculation, we may be led to think of Romantic
theories of the psyche simply as stalled acts of
secularisation, which still look for a spiritualised or
idealised metaphysics of the person under the rubric of
the psyche. These are idealised philosophies of the
psyche, and not yet psychologies. However to treat
these models as merely antiquated, or superstitious, or
secretly theogonic, misses an essential point, which is
not only their recurrence but also the modernity of
their demand. The need to sustain an account of
autonomous individuality or to project an ontology of
the self, within the bounds of psychology, will itself
also be a persistent need. One might usefully view the
emergence of psychology itself as torn between a
science of mental control and objectification, and a
utopian attempt to preserve an idealised model of
selfhood which is becoming increasingly difficult to
achieve or extend through the broadening political
population, but which can be installed within the
individual at an abstract or theoretical level. I would
not argue that this is an impetus for the development
of psychology as a whole, but that it is a motivation
for many of the Romantic theorists of the psyche whose
formulations get incorporated within various
psychological and psychiatric traditions. Jung's
assumption that psychology deals with the problem of
'individuation'—"Individuation, becoming a self,
is not only a spiritual problem, it is the problem of
all life"—would be an example of this
("Individual" 22). Freud, too, at times recognises that
psychology is still implicated in attempts to secure an
ontology of the self. In Totem and Taboo,
after noting that animism in primitive societies
populates the world with spirits and also regards these
as the causes of natural phenomena, Freud went on to
point out a third, and perhaps most important article
of this primitive 'nature philosophy.' This article
struck him as less strange, since, "we ourselves are
not very far removed from this third belief. For
primitive peoples believe that human individuals are
inhabited by similar spirits" (Totem 76). That
is to say, the very notion of a soul—the very
object of psychology—is itself still entangled in
an idealised demand concerning the 'being' of the
individual person. Strachey in the Standard Edition
adds the marginal note here that, with "nature
philosophy" or Naturphilosophie Freud is
indicating the philosophy of Schelling.
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