ART. XIII. Chronicle of the Cid Rodrigo Diaz de Bivar,
the Campeador, from the Spanish, by Robert Southey, pp.
468. 4to. London. Longman, 1808.
[pp. 134-153] [original article in PDF
format]
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THE name of the Cid is best known to us by the
celebrated tragedy of Corneille, founded on a
circumstance which happened early in the Champion's
career, and which the Spanish compilers of his story do
not dwell upon with any peculiar emphasis. Those who
are deep read in Don Quixote may also recollect, that
the Campeador and his great exploits against the Moors
was one of the subjects that deranged the brain of the
worthy Knight of La Mancha. Few English or French
literati know more of a hero as famous in Spain as
Bertrand du Gueselin in France, Glendower in Wales, or
Wallace in Scotland, yet have his achievements been
recorded in the 'letter blake', and harped in many a
hall and bower.
Desde Sevilla a Marchena,
Desde Granada hasta Leja.
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Mr. Southey, to whom the fabulous heroes of Spain,
her Amadis, and her Palmerin, have such obligations,
has undertaken the same generous task in favour of the
Cid, the real champion of a history scarcely less
romantic than theirs. His work is not to be considered
as the precise translation of any of the numerous
histories of the Cid, but as a compilation of all that
relates to him extracted from those several sources.
First, a prose chronicle of the life and achievements
of the Cid, printed in 1552 and 1593, which there is
some reason to ascribe to Gil Diaz, a converted Moor,
one of the Cid's most faithful followers. This is
corrected and enlarged from a general chronicle of
Spanish history. Secondly, a metrical legend, of which
the Cid is the hero. This work, which fluctuates
between history and romance, has a considerable degree
of poetical merit, is the oldest poem in the Spanish
language, and, in Mr. Southey's judgement, decidedly
and beyond all comparison the finest. Lastly, the
translator has laid under contribution the popular
ballads or romances which celebrated the feats of this
renowned warrior—and were sung by minstrels,
jongleurs, and glee-men, at places of festive resort.
Mr. Southey is not inclined to rank very highly either
the authority or the antiquity of these songs, and has
made little use of them in compiling his [134]
Chronicle. By these lights, however, he has guided the
narrative through the following details.
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Rodrigo of Bivar, 'a youth strong in arms and of
good customs,' destined to protect his country from the
Moors, was born at Burgos in the reign of King Ferrando
of Castile, and in the year 1026. His father Diego
Laynez, chief of the noble house, had received a blow
from the Count Don Gomez the Lord of Gormaz. The
consequences are described in a picturesque manner and
form a good specimen of this singular narrative.
'Now Diego was a man in years, and his
strength had passed from him, so that he could not take
vengeance, and he retired to his home to dwell there in
solitude and lament over his dishonour. And he took no
pleasure in his food, neither could he sleep by night,
nor would he lift up his eyes from the ground, nor stir
out of his house, nor commune with his friends, but
turned from them in silence as if the breath of his
shame would taint them. Rodrigo was yet but a youth,
and the Count was a mighty man in arms, one who gave
his voice first in the Cortes, and was held to be the
best in the war, and so powerful that he had a thousand
friends among the mountains. Howbeit all these things
appeared as nothing to Rodrigo when he thought of the
wrong done to his father, the first which had ever been
offered to the blood of Layn Calvo. He asked nothing
but justice of Heaven, and of man he asked only a fair
field; and his father seeing of how good heart he was,
gave him his sword and his blessing. The sword had been
the sword of Mudarra in former times, and when Rodrigo
held its cross in his hand, he thought within himself
that his arm was not weaker than Mudarra's. And he went
out and defied the Count and slew him, and smote off
his head and carried it home to his father. The old man
was sitting at table, the food lying before him
untasted, when Rodrigo returned, and pointing to the
head which hung from the horse's collar, dropping
blood, he bade him look up, for there was the herb
which should restore to him his appetite: the tongue,
quoth he, which insulted you, is no longer a tongue,
and the hand which wronged you is no longer a hand. And
the old man arose and embraced his son and placed him
above him at the table, saying, that he who had brought
home that head should be the head of the house of Layn
Calvo.' p. 3.
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This prosperous commencement was followed by a
victory which Rodrigo obtained over five of the Moorish
petty princes, who had allied themselves to spoil the
country of Castile. Their defeat was so complete that
they submitted to be in future the vassals of the
victor. About the same time Ximena Gomez, daughter of
the Count, (the Chimene of Corneille) came before [135]
the king, and having stated that Rodrigo had slain her
father, prayed his Majesty to command him to make
atonement by taking her to wife, 'for God's service and
that she might be enabled to grant him her hearty
pardon.' Neither the King nor Rodrigo felt a desire to
resist so singular a request, and the marriage was
concluded accordingly. We cannot stop to relate how
Rodrigo displayed his charity by plucking a foul leper
out of a morass and placing him at his own table, and
how the leper proved to be no less a person than St.
Lazarus, who had thus disguised himself to prove the
young warrior's love of God and his neighbour; nor can
we narrate his single combat with Martin Gonzales, nor
those repeated conquests over the Moors which caused
him to be distinguished among the vanquished by the
name of El Cid or THE LORD, a title which he
afterwards made so famous in history. While his fame
was rapidly advancing, the kingdom of Castile was
convulsed with civil war. The King Don Ferrando had
died, leaving three sons and one daughter, among whom,
with the usual impolicy of the times, he attempted to
divide his dominions. But the Kings of Spain were of
the blood of the Goths, which is emphatically said to
be a fierce blood, and certainly no history,
excepting that of the heaven-abandoned Jews, is stained
with more murders, conspiracies, and unnatural civil
broils. The Cid was among the subjects of Castile,
whose fealty descended to the eldest son Don Sancho,
and he had no small part in the wars which that monarch
made upon his brethren Garcia and Alfonzo. When Sancho
had dethroned and imprisoned both his younger brothers,
he forced Alfonzo to become a Monk, but he escaped from
his convent, and fled to the Moors of Toledo, who
received him with great hospitality. Meanwhile Sancho
resolved to deprive his sister Urraca of the city and
dependencies of Zamora, which the King her father had
bequeathed to her. And it was while besieging this city
that he was treacherously slain by one of her
adherents, who pretended to desert to his party. This
gave occasion to one of those scenes which illustrate
the singular manners of the age. It was resolved in the
camp of the deceased monarch that the town of Zamora
should be impeached for the treason committed, and for
having received the traitor within her gates after the
perpetration of the murder. The task of denouncing it
devolved upon Diego Ordonez, a right good and noble
warrior, for the Cid, who might otherwise have been
expected to be foremost in the revenge of his master's
death, had uniformly refused to bear arms against Donna
Urraca, because [136] they had been brought up
together, and he remembered 'the days that were past.'
Diego Ordonez came before the walls fully armed; and
having summoned to the battlements Arias Gonzalo, who
commanded the city for Urraca, he pronounced this
celebrated impeachment in the following words:
'The Castillians have lost their Lord;
the traitor Vellido slew him, being his vassal, and ye
of Zamora have received Vellido and harboured him
within your walls. Now therefore I say that he is a
traitor who hath a traitor with him, if he knoweth and
consenteth unto the treason. And for this I impeach the
people of Zamora, the great as well as the little, the
living and the dead, they who now are and they who are
yet unborn; and I impeach the waters which they drink
and the garments which they put on; their bread and
their wine, and the very stones in their walls. If
there be any one in Zamora to gainsay what I have said,
I will do battle with him, and with God's pleasure
conquer him, so that the infamy shall remain upon you.'
p. 75.
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In answer to this defiance, Gonzalo informed the
champion, with great composure, that perhaps he was not
aware of the law of arms in the case of impeachment of
a council; which provided that the accuser should
contend not with one only, but with five champions of
the community successively, and his accusation was only
held true if he retired victorious from this unequal
contest. Ordonez, though somewhat disconcerted at this
point of military law, which was confirmed by twelve
alcaldes, chosen on each side, was under the necessity
of maintaining his impeachment. Gonzalo, on the other
hand, having first ascertained that none of the people
of Zamora had been privy to the treason, resolved, that
he himself and his four sons would fight in their
behalf. With difficulty he is prevailed upon, by the
tears and intreaties of Urraca, to let his sons first
try their fortune. One of them enters the lists after
his father had armed, instructed, and blessed him. The
youth is slain in the conflict; and the victor calls
aloud, 'Don Arias, send me another son, for this one
will never fulfil your bidding.' He then retires from
the lists to change his horse and arms, and to refresh
himself with three sops of bread and a draught of wine,
agreeably to the rules of combat. The second son of
Gonzalo enters the lists, and is also slain. Ordonez
then lays his hand on the bar, and exclaims, 'Send me
another son, Don Arias, for I have conquered two,
thanks be to God!' Rodrigo Arias, the eldest and
strongest of the brethren then encounters the
challenger, and in the exchange of two desperate blows
he receives a mortal [137] wound; while, at the same
time, the horse of Ordonez, also wounded, runs out of
the lists with his rider. This was a nice point of the
duello: for, on the one hand, the challenger had
combated and vanquished his enemy; on the other, he had
himself, however involuntarily, been forced out of the
lists; which was such a mark of absolute defeat that
even death was not held so strong. And there is a
Spanish story of a duel, in which the defendant slew
the challenged party; but the defunct being very
corpulent and heavily armed, the victor was unable to
heave him over the palisade, and after labouring the
whole day to no purpose, was at sunset very rationally
held to be convicted of the treason of which he had
been accused; because he could not give the necessary
and indispensable proof that he had vanquished the
accuser. The judges of the field, in the impeachment of
Zamora, did not choose positively to decide so nice a
dependence. It would be probably doing those worthy
alcaldes injustice to suppose, that they were moved
with compassion either for the challenger, who had
still such an unequal contest before him, or for Don
Arias, who having lost three of his children, was to
risk his own life with that of his remaining son. But
whether from unwonted feelings of pity, or because the
case could not be judged, they held the third combat to
be a drawn battle, and would not allow Ordonez to
proceed in his accusation. Thus Don Arias, at the
expence of the lives of his three gallant sons,
delivered from impeachment the people of Zamora, born
and unborn, living and dead, past, present, and to
come, together with their waters, their food, their
garments, and the stones of their battlements. It would
have been, no doubt, as easy to have delivered up the
murderer, whose act both parties agreed in condemning;
but it is not the least fantastical part of the story,
that he was suffered to elude all punishment, excepting
that the Chronicle assures us he could not escape it in
hell, 'where he is tormented with Dathan and Abiram,
and with Judas the traitor, for ever and ever.'
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While this scene was passing before Zamora, Alfonso,
the remaining brother of the deceased Sancho, received
the news of his murder; and resolved immediately to
quit Toledo, where he was the guest of the Moorish
monarch, Alimaymon, in order to take possession of the
kingdom of Castile [sic], to which he was now sole
heir. That monarch had already heard a rumour of
Sancho's death, and posted guards in the passage to
prevent his guest, now become a hostage of importance,
from departing without his leave. But when Alfonso
boldly and openly requested [138] his licence to return
to Castille, the generous Moslem answered,
'I thank God, Alfonso, that thou hast
told me of thy wish to go into thine own country ; for
in this thou hast dealt loyally by me, and saved me
from that which might else have happened, to which the
Moors have always importuned me. And hadst thou
departed privily thou couldest not have escaped being
slain or taken. Now then go and take thy kingdom; and I
will give thee whatever thou hast need of to give to
thine own people, and win their hearts that they may
serve thee.' p. 85.
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He then requested him to swear friendship to himself
and his sons; but in enumerating them, he 'had a
grandson whom he dearly loved, who was not named in the
oath, and therefore Don Alfonso was not bound to
keep it towards him.' And the historian records it
as a high instance of generosity, that Alfonso was so
far from taking advantage of this omission, that, on a
future occasion, when Alimaymon was as much in his
power as he had been in Alimaymon's, he compelled the
Moor to release him from the oath, but only that he
might take it again fully, freely, and with all
solemnity. When king Alfonso arrived in his kingdom, he
found that many of his nobility, but especially the
Cid, nourished a suspicion that he had been in some
sort accessory to the murder of his brother Sancho. To
purge himself of this guilt, the king, and twelve
knights as his compurgatores, made oath of his
innocence, upon the Gospels, in the church of St.
Gadea, at Burgos. The Cid administered the oath with a
rigour which implied the strength of his suspicions;
and the following is the account of the manner in which
the king was obliged to exculpate himself in the face
of his people.
'And the King came forward upon a high
stage that all the people might see him, and my Cid
came to him to receive the oath; and my Cid took the
book of the Gospels and opened it, and laid it upon the
altar, and the King laid his hands upon it, and the Cid
said unto him, King Don Alfonso, you come here to swear
concerning the death of King Don Sancho, your brother,
that you neither slew him nor took counsel for his
death ; say now you, and these hidalgos, if ye swear
this. And the King and the hidalgos answered and said,
Yea, we swear it. And the Cid said, If ye knew of this
thing, or gave command that it should be done, may you
die even such a death as your brother the King Don
Sancho, by the hand of a villain whom you trust; one
who is not a hidalgo, from another land, not a
Castillian ; and the King and the knights who were with
him said Amen. And the King's colour changed; and the
Cid repeated the oath unto him a second time,[139] and
the King and the twelve knights said Amen to it in like
manner and in like manner the countenance of the King
was changed again. And my Cid repeated the oath unto
him a third time, and the King and the knights said
Amen; but the wrath of the King was exceeding great,
and he said to the Cid, Ruydiez, why dost thou thus
press me, man? To-day thou swearest me, and to-morrow
thou wilt kiss my hand. And from that day forward there
was no love towards my Cid in the heart of the King.'
p. 88.
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The Castillian monarch having this offence deeply
engraved in his remembrance, took the first occasion
which offered, to banish the Cid from his dominions, on
pretence of some incursion which he had made on the
friendly Moors of Toledo. The Cid then assembled the
relations, vassals, and retainers whom his influence or
high military reputation had attached to his person,
and resolved at their head to leave Castille, and
subsist by a predatory war upon the Moors.
'And as he was about to depart he
looked back upon his own home, and when he saw his hall
deserted, the household chests unfastened, the doors
open, no cloaks hanging up, no seats in the porch, no
hawks upon the perches, the tears came into his eyes,
and he said, my enemies have done this. God be praised
for all things. And he turned toward the East, and
knelt and said, Holy Mary Mother, and all Saints, pray
to God for me, that he may give me strength to destroy
all the Pagans, and to win enough from them to requite
my friends therewith, and all those who follow and help
me.' p. 97
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In passing through Burgos, no one dared to receive
him into his house, the king having given strict
command to the contrary; and such sorrow had the
christian people at obeying these severe injunctions,
that they durst not look upon the champion as he rode
through the solitary streets of their city. When he
came to his posada, or hotel, and struck against
the door with his foot, none made answer but a little
girl of nine years old, who informed him of the king's
command. He, turned in silence from the door of the
Inn, rode to the church of St. Mary, where 'he kneeled
down, and prayed with all his heart,' and then encamped
with his retinue on the sands near the city. There is
something very striking in this picture—the
silence with which the Cid receives his unjust
sentence—the dignity with which he contemns the
mean effort of the king to increase his distress and
embarassment;— the desolate state to which the
city is reduced by the fear and pity of the inhabitants
at his approach—the military train slowly
parading its streets, and seeking in vain for
hospitality or [140] repose;- the swelling heart of the
leader venting itself in devotion, when he saw every
house, but that of God, shut against him, are all
beautiful and affecting circumstances. The next scene
is of a very different nature, yet equally curious.
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The Cid, like other great persons, setting out upon
travel, was in great want of money to maintain his
followers. And now we venture to supply an incident
from the romances, which, though characteristic, Mr.
Southey has omitted. We copy it from a slip-shod
translation, which we happen to possess, and which may
serve for a sample of these ballads.
'When the Cid, the Campeador,
(Of his life may God take care,)
With three hundred pennon'd warriors,
Forth of good Castille would fare;
Nor the champion, nor his lady,
Had of treasure, coin, or rent,
Even a single Maravedi;
All in war and wassail spent.
Then Ximene took off her garland,
Glittering like the stars of heaven,
Deck'd with gems from Eastern far land,
Which the Moorish Kings had given;
"Take then, this, my Roderigo;
Pledged in wealthy merchants hand,
Twill supply thee gold, while we go
Wanderers far in foreign land."
Sola and her little sister,
Daughters of the noble Cid,
When they saw the chaplet's glister
Taken from their mother's head,
Wept to part with such gay jewel,
Clamour'd loud around Ximene;
"Must such garland, O, how cruel,
From our mother dear be ta'en?"
Mark'd the Cid their childish sorrow,
Heard them murmur in dismay:
"Grief enough may come to-morrow,
Give our babes their boon to-day.
Children weep for toys that glitter,
Kings and Kaisars do the same:
Why their blithest days embitter?
Keep thy garland, gentle dame." [141]
Loud their hands the children clapping,
As their father's doom they heard,
And their arms around him wrapping,
Kist his cheeks, and strok'd his beard.'
* * *
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Mr. Southey omits this curious trait of parental
tenderness, which we think peculiarly characteristic of
the hero, as those who are bravest and even fiercest in
war are often distinguished by unlimited indulgence to
the objects of their domestic attachments.
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The resource from which the Cid drew his supplies
was of a questionable description, and not very
dissimilar from the devices of our modern knights of
industry. He sent one of his adherents, Martin
Antolinez, to two wealthy jews, named Rachael and
Vidas, to demand the loan of six hundred marks, upon
two chests of treasure, which the Cid meant to deposit
in their hands. The sons of Israel lent a willing ear
to such a proposal, but when the marks were demanded,
they sagaciously observed, that 'their way of business
was first to take and then to give.' Antolinez
conducted them to the tent of the Campeador, who
dazzled their optics with the exhibition of two huge
and heavy chests, covered with leather of red and gold,
and secured with ribs of iron, but filled in truth with
stones and sand. The Jews, forgetting the caution of
their tribe, willingly agreed to advance the sum
demanded on a deposit of such a promising aspect; and
swore at the same time, to keep the chests a full year
without opening. So highly delighted were the
Israelites with the bargain, that Antolinez contrived
to hook out of them thirty marks for agency, to buy
himself a pair of hose, a doublet, and a rich cloak. It
is not the least curious part of this story, that when
the Cid acquired wealth in the Moorish wars, and sent
to redeem the chests with a Spanish hyperbole that they
contained his honour, which was the richest treasure in
the world; 'the people held it for a great wonder; and
there was not a place in all Burgos where they did not
talk of the gentleness and loyalty of the Cid.' The
Jews themselves also expressed such grateful surprise
as makes it plain that in the ordinary course of
things, they would have been left by way of punishment
for looking so indifferenlty [sic] after their own
interest in the outset of the bargain, to indemnify
themselves by the deposit. Nay, we grieve to say, that
some contradictory authorities make it not improbable
that the Cid consigned them to the doleful predicament
of their kinsman, Shylock, to console themselves with
the penalty of the bond. [142]
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The Cid thus furnished with munition and money sets
forth against the Moors, leaving his wife and children
in the charge of the Abbot of St. Pedro de Cardena. It
is not our intention to trace his military exploits, in
which there is frequently vivid description, but which
nevertheless, from the similarity of incident, are the
dullest part of this volume. The following most
excellent and spirited, as well as literal translation
from the poem of the Cid, is given in the notes. It is
not from the pen of Mr. Southey, but from that of a
literary friend, who has caught the true tone of the
Spanish Homer. The Cid, with his followers, sallies
from the Castle of Alcoçer, where they were
besieged by the Moors.
'The gates were then thrown open, and
forth at once they rush'd,
The outposts of the Moorish host back to the camp were
push'd;
The camp was all in tumult, and there was such a
thunder
Of cymbals and of drums, as if earth would cleave in
sunder.
There you might see the Moors arming themselves in
haste,
And the two main battles how they were forming
fast;
.Horsemen and footmen mixt, a countless troop and
vast.
The Moors are moving forward, the battle soon must
join,
"My men stand here in order, rang'd upon a line!
"Let not a man move, from his rank before I give the
sign."
Pero Bermuez heard the word, but he could not
refrain.
He held the banner in his hand, he gave his horse the
rein;
"You see yon foremost squadron there, the thickest of
the foes,
"Noble Cid, God be your aid, for there your banner
goes!
"Let him that serves and honours it shew the duty that
he owes."
Earnestly the Cid call'd out, 'For heaven's sake be
still!'
Bermuez cried, 'I cannot hold,' so eager was his
will.
He spurr'd his horse, and drove him on amid the Moorish
rout;
They strove to win the banner, and compast him
about.
Had not his armour been so true he had lost either life
or limb;
The Cid called out again, 'For heaven's sake succour
him!'
Their shields before their breasts, forth at once they
go,
Their lances in the rest levell'd fair and low;
Their banners and their crests waving in a row,
Their heads all stooping down toward the saddle
bow.
The Cid was in the midst, his shout was heard
afar,
"I am Rui Diaz, the Champion of Bivar;
"Strike amongst them, gentlemen, for sweet mercies
sake!"
There where Bermuez fought amidst the foe they
brake,
Three hundred banner'd knights, it was a gallant
show:
Three hundred Moors they kill'd, a man with every
blow;
When they wheel'd and turn'd, as many more lay
slain,
You might see them raise their lances, and level them
again. [143]
There you might see the breastplates, how they were
cleft in twain,
And many a Moorish shield lie scatter'd on the
plain.
The pennons that were white, mark'd with a crimson
stain,
The horses running wild whose riders had been slain.'
p. 439.
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There are many similar exploits described in the
same animated tone; and the successes of the Cid soon
led him to form plans of more permanent conquest. The
dissentions of the Moors aided his views, and at
length, after a tedious siege, in which the city
suffered the last degree of distress, and after playing
off against each other, almost all the factions within
its walls, the fair city of Valencia became the
property of the Cid, and the seat of his power. His
fame and his untarnished loyalty had by this time
reconciled the Campeador to King Alfonso; so the
embassy which the Cid sent to him to announce his new
conquest, and to demand his wife and daughters, was
most favourably received. When the ladies arrived at
Valencia, they had a specimen of the manner in which
the Cid had acquired, and was forced to defend his
possessions. The city was beleagured by an immense army
of Moors. The Cid conducted his wife and daughters to
the highest turret, from which they might see his
exploits against the enemy, cheered their sinking
spirits with an exclamation, 'the more Moors the more
gain !' sallied out and utterly discomfited the enemy,
making such mortality with his own hand, that the blood
ran from the wrist to the elbow. He re-entered the town
at the head of his knights.
'His wrinkled brow was seen, for he
had taken off his helmet, and in this manner he
entered, upon Bavieca, sword in hand. Great joy had
Dona Ximena and her daughters who were awaiting him,
when they saw him come riding in ; and he stopt when he
came to them, and said, Great honour have I won for
you, while you kept Valencia this day ! God and the
Saints have sent us goodly gain, upon your coming.
Look, with a bloody sword, and a horse all sweat, this
is the way that we conquer the Moors ! Pray God that I
may live yet awhile for your sakes, and you shall enter
into great honour, and they shall kiss your hands. Then
my Cid alighted when he had said this, and the ladies
knelt down before him, and kissed his hand, and wished
him long life.' p. 233.
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The fame of the Cid's wealth led Diego and Ferrando
Gonzales the Infantes of Carrion, brethren of great
rank and high ancestry, to solicit the hands of his two
daughters ; and the Cid, at the request of King
Alfonso, consented to their union. But these noblemen
had ill considered their own dispositions in [144]
desiring such an union. The Cid, indeed, received them
with all honour in Valencia, and bestowed on them many
rich gifts, and especially his two choice swords,
Colada and Tizona. But the Infantes had no taste for
killing Moors, which was the principal amusement at the
Court of the Campeador; and although the Cid prudently
disguised his knowledge of their cowardice, he could
not save them from the derision of his military
retainers. An unfortunate accident brought matters to a
crisis. The Cid, it seems, kept a tame lion, which, one
day, finding its den unbarred, walked into the hall of
the palace, where the banquet was just ended. The lion
had happily dined likewise, so he paced coolly towards
the head of the table, where the Cid was asleep in his
chair. His captains and knights crouded around him for
his defence; but his sons-in-law, holding, with Bottom,
that there is not a more fearful wild fowl than your
lion living, threw themselves, the one behind the
Campeador's chair, the other into a wine-press, where
he fell into the lees and defiled himself. The Cid
awaking as the lion was close upon him, held up his
hand, and said, how's this? and the lion standing still
at his voice, he arose, and taking him by the mane, led
him back to his den like a tame mastiff. But the
Infantes of Carrion, reading their disgrace in the
ill-suppressed laughter of the attendants, adopted a
suspicion that this strange scene had been contrived on
purpose to put them to shame, and formed a cowardly
scheme of revenge.
-
For this purpose, they craved the Cid's permission
to return to their own country of Carrion, which he
readily granted. On the road they led their wives into
a forest, where they stripped them, beat them with the
girths of their horses, mangled them with their spurs,
and left them for dead upon the spot. Here they were
found, and brought back to Valencia; and the Cid,
incensed at this deadly affront, demanded justice
before the king and the cortes of Castille. The
investigation was conducted with great form and
solemnity. The Cid sent to the place of meeting, an
ivory throne which he had won at Valencia, 'a right
noble seat, and of subtle work,' which gave rise to
much invidious discussion among the Castillian nobles,
until Alfonso decided that the Cid should occupy the
ivory seat which he had won like a good knight. He then
shaped his demand of satisfaction from the Infantes of
Carrion into three counts. In the first place he
demanded restitution of the two good swords Colada and
Tizona, which being implements they had no great
occasion for, were readily resigned. His second demand
was for the [145] treasures he had bestowed on them
with his daughter. The Infantes, who had quarrelled
with their wives but not with their portions, resisted
this strenuously, but were obliged to comply by the
sentence of the cortes. This account being cleared with
no small difficulty, the Cid a third time demanded
justice, and stating the injuries done to his
daughters, insisted on personal satisfaction from the
Infantes. This was the hardest chapter of all; the
Infantes could only alledge that they had unwarily
married beneath their rank.
'Then Count Don Garcia rose and said,
Come away, Infantes, and let us leave the Cid sitting
like a bridegroom in his ivory chair: he lets his beard
grow and thinks to frighten us with it! The Campeador
put up his hand to his beard, and said, What hast thou
to do with my beard, Count ? Thanks be to God, it is
long because it hath been kept for my pleasure*;
never son of woman hath taken me by it; never son of
Moor or of Christian hath plucked it, as I did yours in
your castle of Cabra, Count, when I took your castle of
Cabra, and took you by the beard; there was not a boy
of the host but had his pull at it. What I plucked then
is not yet methinks grown even!' p. 296".
-
After a very stormy altercation it is at last
settled, that the Infantes of Carrion, together with
their uncle and abettor, should 'do battle' against
three of the Cid's knights. The Infantes are defeated,
and declared guilty of treason. This singular story is
given at length, and with all those minute details
which place the very circumstance before our eyes.
There is also a literal poetical translation from that
part of the poem which represents the scene in the
cortes and in the lists. It is by the same hand, and in
the same spirited style, as the account of the sally
which we have already quoted.
-
The Cid takes leave of the king, and returns to
Valencia, where he bestows his daughters on the
Infantes of Arragon and Navarre, two princes of higher
rank and more estimable qualities than those whom he
had punished. At length, when far advanced in years, he
is once more besieged in his city of Valencia, by an
immense army of Moors, and is warned by a Vision that
his end approaches, but that God had granted him grace
to defeat the Moors even after his decease. Upon this
intimation, the Cid [146] prepares for death, and
calling for a precious balsam with which the Soldan of
Persia had presented him, he mingled it with
rose-water, and tasted nothing else for seven days,
during which, though he grew weaker and weaker, yet his
countenance appeared even fairer and fresher than
before. He then directed that his family and retainers
should leave the city after his death, taking with them
his dead body, and return to Castille. Having settled
his worldly affairs, and ghostly concerns, 'this noble
baron yielded up his soul, which was pure and without
spot, to God,' in the year 1099, and the 73d of his
life, The body having been washed and embalmed,
appeared, by virtue of the balsam on which he had
lived, as fresh and fair as if alive. It was supported
in an upright state by a thin frame of wood; and the
whole being made fast to a right noble saddle, this
retinue prepared to leave Valencia.
'When it was midnight they took the
body of the Cid, fastened to the saddle as it was, and
placed it upon his horse Bavieca, and fastened the
saddle well : and the body sate so upright and well
that it seemed as if he was alive. And it had on
painted hose of black and white, so cunningly painted
that no man who saw them would have thought but that
they were grieves and cuishes, unless he had laid his
hand upon them; and they put on it a surcoat of green
sendal, having his arms blazoned thereon, and a helmet
of parchment, which was cunningly painted that every
one might have believed it to be iron; and his shield
was hung round his neck, and they placed the sword
Tizona in his hand, and they raised his aim, and
fastened it up so subtilly that it was a marvel to see
how upright he held the sword. And the bishop Don
Hieronymo went on one side of him, and the trusty Gil
Diaz on the other, and he led the horse Bavieca, as the
Cid had commanded him. And when all this had been made
ready, they went out from Valencia at midnight, through
the gate of Roseros, which is towards Castille. Pero
Bermudez went first with the banner of the Cid, and
with him five hundred knights who guarded it, all well
appointed. And after these came all the baggage. Then
came the body of the Cid with an hundred knights, all
chosen men, and behind them Dona Ximena with all her
company, and six hundred knights in the rear. All these
went out so silently, and with such a measured pace,
that it seamed as if there were only a score. And by
the time that they had all gone out it was broad day.'
p. 336.
-
Betwixt surprise and miracle, the Moors were
completely routed; and the Christians, having spoiled
their camp, retired to Castille. But when they proposed
to put the body in a coffin, Ximena refused to consent,
saying that while his countenance remained [147] so
comely, her children and grand children should behold
the face of their father. At length it was resolved to
set him in his ivory chair on the right hand of the
high altar in the cathedral of Toledo, dressed in noble
robes, which were regularly changed, and placing in his
left hand his sword Tizona in its scabbard, and in the
right the strings of his mantle. Ximena retired into
the neighbouring monastery, and Gil Diaz, the Cid's
secretary, devoted his life to attend upon her and upon
the good steed Bavieca. Meanwhile the Cid continued for
seven years to sit beside the altar. At the expiration
of this period, a false Jew who had hid himself in the
church, to have the pleasure of plucking that beard
which was never plucked when its owner was living,
occasioned the body to change its posture. For the
'circumcised dog' had no sooner advanced his unhallowed
fingers to that noble beard, than the Cid, letting go
the strings of his mantle, drew his sword a palm's
breadth out of the sheath. The natural consequence of
this was the conversion of the Jew. After this miracle
no one ventured to change his dress, or to attempt to
sheathe the sword. At length after sitting ten years in
state, without alteration, the nose of the champion
began to change colour. Whether the noses of the
attendants felt any sympathetic affection is not said,
but the Cid was removed to a vault before the altar,
seated, as before, in his ivory chair, with his sword
in his hand, and his shield and banner hung upon the
walls.
-
Whether the ivory chair decayed faster than the Cid,
we know not; but the body was taken from it, placed in
a stone coffin, and, after some intermediate
translations, finally interred in the chapel of the
monastery of Cardena, where 'it remains to the present
day.'
-
We have not room to tell of the godly end of his
wife Ximena, or the attention bestowed on his horse
Bavieca, who, having comported himself with laudable
spirit and fidelity through the whole of this history,
of which he forms no very inconsiderable part, was
never mounted by any one after his master's decease,
and was buried before the gate of the monastery with
the trusty Gil Diaz, his guardian. But we cannot help
observing a curious coincidence between an ancient
Irish romance, called the death of Cucholinn, and the
remarkable circumstances said to have attended the
funeral rites of the Cid. Cucholinn (the Cuthullin of
the Pseudo Ossian) was chief of the warriors of the Red
Branch, as they were called, and champion of Ulster. He
was mortally wounded in a battle, through the wiles of
an enchantress [148] called Meive. Feeling death
approach, he thus addresses his
foster-brother:—
''But accompany me, Laogh, to yonder
rock that I may there die, and make my final departure.
Let me be supported by resting my breast against that
portion of it which advances from the rest; put this
sword into my hand, and tie it fast to my wrist, and
place my spear and shield as they ought to be; and when
my enemies shall see me in that manner, their fear and
dread will be still so great, that they will not
venture to come and cut off my head, and Connel
Cearnach will arrive in time to prevent that body which
I quit from being treated with indignity.' Cucholinn
walked afterwards towards the rock, and Laogh durst not
offer to support him, or draw nigh him, till he had
arrived at the place he had chosen, and rested his
breast against that part of the rock which projected as
he had remarked; and as he leaned against the rock, he
put his hand upon his heart, and uttered a moan,
saying, 'till this day I vow and swear, by the gods of
the elements, that I knew not, but that this heart was
of iron or stone; and had I thought it to have been of
flesh and blood, perhaps half of the feats of chivalry,
and of the noble deeds that I have done, would not have
been performed by me! And now Laogh, when thou seest
Eirir, tell her that my affection never hath strayed
from her, that through my whole life I have loved her
alone, nor ever saw that woman I would have exchanged
for her. Relate to her, to Conner, to Connel, and to
the men of Ulster, my late actions and my past battles;
enumerate to them the numbers I have slain, and the
days whereon my enemies have fallen, either by my sword
or the arrows from my quiver, from the rising up until
the setting of the sun."
'Laogh obeyed the orders of Cucholinn and settled him
with his face towards the enemy's camp, and placed his
spear and shield by his shoulder, and put his sword
into his hand as if ready for combat, and as he grasped
it, he expired.
'When Meive and her confederates beheld him placed in
that manner, they imagined it was some scheme concerted
by Cucholinn to draw them into an ambuscade, and they
durst not draw nigh unto him. "Where is Babh (or Bava)"
cried Meive. The sorceress replied, that she was there
to fulfill her commands. She sent her therefore to
discover if Cucholinn was alive or dead. Bava took the
shape of a crow and flew around him; when having
discovered that his spirit was fled, she perched upon
his shield; and when the enemy saw this, they came
forward; and when they came up to him and found that it
was impossible to force his sword out of his hand; "Cut
the sinews of his wrist," said Lughy, son of Conrec,
"and the sword will fall." It was done; but as it fell
down, it cut off the hands of thirty of the sons of
their chieftains, who were looking [149] up to behold
that deed done, and this was the last exploit that tho
arms of that hero performed.'
-
Leaving it to the antiquaries of Ierne to consider
whether there is any connexion between these stories,
we hasten to conclude the article with a few short
observations on the information which we may derive
from this curious work.
-
The character of the Cid, who is held up as a model
of perfection, contains many points which seem
inconsistent with the more refined notions of chivalry.
We say nothing of the cruelty which the 'Perfect One,'
as the author frequently calls him, practised without
compunction, especially towards his prisoners, whom he
usually tortured to force a discovery of their
treasures. And perhaps as the following abominable
cruelly was perpetrated on circumcised infidels, it
might not be a great blot in his escutcheon. It
occurred during the siege of Valencia. 'So he ordered
proclamation to be made so loud that all the Moors upon
the walls could hear, bidding all who had come out from
the town to return into it, or he would burn as many as
he should find; and saying also that he would slay all
who came out from that time forth. Nevertheless they
continued to let themselves down from the walls, and
the Christians took them without his knowledge. But as
many as he found he burnt alive before the walls, so
that the Moors could see them; in one day he burnt
eighteen, and cast others alive to the dogs, who tore
them in pieces.' p. 194.
-
This might be selon les regles [sic]; but we
allude to the whole tenor of his policy with the
Moorish chiefs of Valencia, which was of a very
indirect and crooked kind, in which his promise was
forfeited more than once and to more than one person.
This was a breach of honour on the part of the 'Happy
one whom God created in a lucky hour,' which seems to
derogate from his knightly character. His mode of
conducting the charge against the Infantes of Carrion,
by which he secured restitution before he demanded
revenge for his injured honour, argues a cool and
interested mode of reason better becoming an attorney
than a warrior. All these are no doubt qualified by his
extreme and punctilious loyalty towards the king who
had exiled him, his warm affection for his family, and
his generosity to his vassals and sometimes to his
enemies. Yet upon the whole the Cid Ruy Diaz forms no
exception to Froissart's general rule, that the knights
of Spain had not attained the highest and most refined
chivalry practised in France arid England. And his
story leaves [150] us at a loss whether he had most of
the fox, the tiger, or the lion in his disposition; for
he seems to have been at least as crafty and cruel as
he was brave. It is also worthy of remarking that the
supreme respect enjoined by the laws of knighthood to
the fair sex, does not appear in this romance. The
females all act a subordinate part, and that
irreconcilable with their being persons of any
influence. It may be hardly fair to quote the beating
which the sons-in-law of the Cid bestow upon their
wives, as a proof of general manners. Yet this
castigation, though utterly extra modum, was not much
wondered at, except in relation to the power and
generosity of the Cid, father of the patients. The
counts appeal to the whole cortes whether they had not
a title to beat maids of low degree with their girths,
and tear them with their long rowelled spurs; and issue
was joined upon an allegation that the daughters of the
Cid were of too high a rank to be subjected to such
discipline. Ximena also makes a sorry figure in the
tale—she comes before the king to ask the hand of
the man who had killed her father, a step which surely
argued a degraded state in society, and a want of free
will. The daughters of the Cid are with very little
ceremony, and without at all consulting their own
choice, bestowed on one set of husbands and transferred
to another. And lastly, the passion, or even the word
love, does not occur in the whole volume. It is highly
probable that in this respect the manners of the
Spaniards were tinged by those of their Mahommedan
conquerors, from whom they had caught the oriental
contempt of the female sex. Many other marks of
resemblance between those nations might be pointed out;
nor indeed, upon the whole, do the Moors appear to have
been a more unamiable race than the Castillian
Christians. The volume contains many splendid instances
of their generosity and good faith, which are sometimes
but indifferently requited by the Christians. It is
true, the situation of the Spanish Moors was already
become degraded; they were a luxurious people broken
with domestic factions, split into petty
principalities, superior to their Christian foes in the
arts of peace, therefore affording a tempting prospect
of plunder; inferior to them in the art of war,
therefore an easy prey. Accordingly they were
considered as the common enemy, the feræ
naturæ, whom every iron-clad champion had a
natural right to hunt down and plunder ; while in
obeying so tempting an impulse he believed himself to
be also doing God service. Yet the constant wars
between the Spaniards and the Moors were, from their
very continuance, subjected to some degree of rule and
moderation. The war was [151] not directed, as in the
crusades, to mutual extermination. The Spanish
Christians hated the Moors and spoiled them, but their
aspect and dress had not for them that novelty which,
in the eyes of other nations, removed the infidels
almost out of the class of human beings, and added
peculiar zest to the pleasure of killing them. The Cid,
when he had fairly got possession of Valencia,
administered justice indifferently to Moor and
Christian; and leaving his 'paynim' subjects in
possession of their property, contented himself with
levying a tythe as an acknowledgment of sovereignty. Of
the Moorish manners we do not learn much from this
curious volume; but the lamentation over the ruin of
Valencia (p. 179) is an interesting specimen of Arabian
poetry.
-
It is sufficiently obvious that whether the history
of the Cid be real or fictitious, it is exceedingly
valuable as a singular picture of manners of which we
know little or nothing. The history however of the
chief of a band of adventurers, making war on his own
account, and becoming the prince of a conquered
territory, with all his intermediate acts, is not so
interesting as to lead us to investigate its
authenticity. That the Cid was a real existing
personage distinguished by his exploits against the
Moors, cannot be doubted. But although his history does
not present a more romantic air than the real
chronicles of the age, and has not above a very
conscionable proportion of miracles and prodigies,
there is reason to believe that it is in many
particulars fictitious. The conquest of Valencia seems
particularly suspicious. In short, the whole may be
dismissed with the account given of the adventures in
Montesinos's cave, by the ape of Ginez de Passamente,
que parte de las cosas son falsas y parte
verisimiles.
-
The faults which we have to notice belong to the
style. This is an imitation of that of scripture; it
is, we think, sometimes too periphrastical, and
sometimes it abounds in unnecessary repetitions. It
retains also marks of its derivation from metrical
romance in the detail and accumulation of particulars,
which, though sometimes striking, at other times
degenerate into mere expletives. Thus we have a march
described with, 'Who ever saw in Castille so many a
precious mule and so many a good-going palfrey, and so
many great horses, and so many goodly streamers set up,
goodly spears and shields adorned with gold and with
silver, and mantles, and skins, and such sandals of
Adria.' This is all very well and very animated; but
why should we again, only six lines below, have a
repetition of 'many a great mule, and many a palfrey,
and many a good [152] horse,' &c. &c. &c.
As Mr. Southey was compiling a history, and not making
a literal translation of a single work, he would we
think have been justifiable in compressing one of these
descriptions. There are besides, sundry odd phrases
which we could have wished amended. Thus the pursuers
making havoc among a flying army, are said to 'punish
them badly;' we have elsewhere 'happy man was his dole'
and other expressions more venerable from simplicity
than elegance. We dare not proceed too far in these
censures, because Mr. Southey has informed us, that
reviewers, in censuring his introduction of new words,
have only shewn their own ignorance of the English
language. Despite of this 'retort churlish,' however,
we must say, that if a word be so old that it has
become new again, it is unfit, at least generally
speaking, for modern use. We have a title to expect
payment in the current coin of the day, and may except
against that which bears the effigies of king Cnut, as
justly as if it had been struck by Mr. Southey himself.
It also seems to us that the story would have been
improved by abridging some of the Cid's campaigns, if
the conscience of the editor had permitted him.
-
While we are on the subject of faults, we may just
remark that Mr. Southey appears to have mistaken the
sense of two or three Spanish terms; but his knowledge
of the language is so deep and extensive, that we must,
in justice to him, attribute the oversight to a
momentary lapse of attention.
-
But in noticing these defects, we offer our sincere
gratitude to Mr. Southey for a most entertaining
volume, edited with a degree of taste and learning,
which few men in England could have displayed. The
introduction and notes are full of the most ample and
extraordinary details concerning the state of Spain in
the middle ages, from works of equal curiosity and
scarcity.
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